Δελτίο Τύπου-Press Release
Με ιδιαίτερη επιτυχία πραγματοποιήθηκε στις 22-24 Μαΐου στην Πράγα της
Τσεχίας το Διεθνές Διδακτορικό και Μεταδιδακτορικό Συνέδριο, που
διοργανώθηκε από την Προτεσταντική Θεολογική Σχολή του Πανεπιστημίου του
Καρόλου, με γενικό θέμα: «Η οικουμενική υποδοχή και κριτική της
ορθόδοξης θεολογίας του 20ου αιώνα στην Εξορία και τη Διασπορά».
Πρόκειται για το 5ο στη σειρά συνέδριο που διοργανώθηκε στο πλαίσιο του
προγράμματος «Η συμβολική διαμεσολάβηση της ολότητας στη δυτική
Ορθοδοξία», το οποίο και χρηματοδοτήθηκε από τη Δημοκρατία της Τσεχίας. Η
Ακαδημία Θεολογικών Σπουδών Βόλου εκπροσωπήθηκε από τους επιστημονικούς
συνεργάτες της, Νικόλαο Ασπρούλη (MTh., Υποψ. Δρ. Φιλοσοφίας, ΕΑΠ,
περιοδικό Θεολογία) και Γιώργο Βλαντή (MTh. Βοηθό της Έδρας ορθόδοξης
συστηματικής θεολογίας στο Πανεπιστήμιο Ludwig-Maximilians του Μονάχου,
Γερμανία). Εκτός από τις κύριες εισηγήσεις κατά τη διάρκεια του
συνεδρίου έλαβαν χώρα τρεις στρόγγυλες τράπεζες ενώ παρουσιάστηκε και
ικανός αριθμός σύντομων ανακοινώσεων.
Κατά τη διάρκεια της πρώτης
μέρας του συνεδρίου, μετά την εισαγωγική ομιλία της Δρ. Ivana Noble
(Καθηγήτριας Οικουμενικής Θεολογίας, Προτεσταντική Θεολογική Σχολή του
Πανεπιστημίου του Καρόλου, Τσεχία) σχετικά με το θέμα του συνεδρίου, ο
Δρ. Dr. Johannes Oeldemann (Johannes-Möhler Institut, Paderborn)
ανέπτυξε το θέμα «Ζώντες ερμηνευτές του θησαυρού της παράδοσης: Οι
καρποί και οι προκλήσεις από τη θεολογική και πνευματική συνάντηση
μεταξύ Ορθοδόξων και Ρωμαιοκαθολικών κατά το δεύτερο μισό του 20ου
αιώνα». Ο π. John Behr (Κοσμήτωρ και Καθηγητής Πατερικής Θεολογίας στο
Θεολογικό Σεμινάριο του αγίου Βλαδίμηρου, Νέα Υόρκη, Η.Π.Α) μίλησε με
θέμα «Από το συγχρονικό νου στη διαχρονική συμφωνία: επιστρέφοντας στους
Πατέρες μετά από την νέο-πατερική περιπέτεια». Στην πρώτη στρόγγυλη
τράπεζα που ακολούθησε υπό την προεδρία του Δρ. Tim Noble (ETF UK,
Prague) συμμετείχαν η Δρ. Ελένη Κασσελούρη-Χατζηβασιλειάδη (Ελληνικό
Ανοικτό Πανεπιστήμιο), ο Δρ. Christoph Schneider (Ινστιτούτο Ορθόδοξων
Χριστιανικών Σπουδών, Cambridge) και ο Γιώργος Βλαντής. Στην στρόγγυλη
αυτή τράπεζα συζητήθηκε μεταξύ άλλων το ερώτημα, πώς είναι δυνατό να
προχωρήσουμε πέρα από τα σχήματα και τις ιδεολογικές στρεβλώσεις του
Άλλου. Οι συμμετέχοντες στην στρόγγυλη αυτή τράπεζα κλήθηκαν να
προβληματιστούν σχετικά με τη μακροχρόνια υπάρχουσα ένταση σχετικά με
την ορθόδοξη υποδοχή της οικουμενικής κίνησης, όπως επίσης και για τον
τρόπο υποδοχής των Ορθοδόξων από τους άλλους, αλλά και για τα διάφορα
είδη αιχμαλωσίας της ορθόδοξης θεολογίας («βαβυλώνια αιχμαλωσία»,
αντι-δυτική αιχμαλωσία, νεο-πατερική αιχμαλωσία, εκκλησιοκεντρική
αιχμαλωσία). Στην προοπτική αυτή συζητήθηκαν δύο περαιτέρω ερωτήματα: Τι
σημαίνει ότι η ορθόδοξη θεολογία θα πρέπει να απελευθερωθεί; Ποια
θετικά στοιχεία θα μπορούσαμε να προσλάβουμε από όλους αυτούς τους
θεολόγους της εξορίας; Η πρώτη μέρα του συνεδρίου ολοκληρώθηκε με την
παρουσίαση σύντομων ανακοινώσεων στο πλαίσιο τριών παράλληλων ομάδων,
όπως μεταξύ άλλων: Zdenko Širka (PhD ABD, Jabok College and ETF UK,
Prague) «Εναλλακτική ερμηνευτική ως απάντηση στις διάφορες ορθόδοξες
προκλήσεις», Viorel Coman (Υποψήφιος Διδάκτωρ, Ρωμαιοκαθολική Θεολογική
Σχολή, KU Leuven, Βέλγιο), «Radix Omnium Malorum Filioque Est? Μια
κριτική θεώρηση των θέσεων του Vl. Lossky και του D. Staniloae για τη
σχέση του filioque προς τη διδασκαλία περί Εκκλησίας», Marieke Maes
(Fontys University, Ουτρέχτη, Ολλανδία) «Ελπίδα, ερμηνευτική και
εσχατολογία- με βάση τη φιλοσοφία του Paul Ricœur», Filip Härtel
(Υποψήφιος Διδάκτωρ, ETF UK, Πράγα, Τσεχία) «Πέντε λεπτά διαθρησκειακού
διαλόγου στο έργο Anatheism του Richard Kearney», κλπ.
Κατά τη
διάρκεια της δεύτερης μέρας του συνεδρίου και μετά την πρωινή προσευχή
(η οποία είχε προετοιμαστεί από τους ορθοδόξους συμμετέχοντες και ήταν
αφιερωμένη στην ειρήνη), έλαβε χώρα η συνεδρία με τίτλο «Πρόσωπα που
ενσάρκωσαν τον οικουμενικό διάλογο και η επιρροή τους». Στη συνεδρία
αυτή η Δρ. Ελένη Κασσελούρη- Χατζηβασιλειάδη μίλησε με θέμα «Η
Elizabeth Behr-Sigel: Μια σημαντική ορθόδοξη και οικουμενική
προσωπικότητα του 20ου αιώνα». Ο Δρ. Robert Svatoň (Θεολογική Σχολή
Άγιος Κύριλλος και Μεθόδιος, Palacky University, Olomouc) μίλησε για τη
σημαντική οικουμενική προσωπικότητα, τον καρδινάλιο και επιφανή στοχαστή
“Tomáš Špidlík, ενώ ο Δρ. Stefan Höschele (Theologisch Hochschule
Friedensau) παρουσίασε την προσωπικότητα του «Bert B. Beach», ως
γεφυροποιού. Μετά την ολοκλήρωση της συνεδρίας ακολούθησε η δεύτερη
στρόγγυλη τράπεζα υπό την προεδρία του Δρ. Parush Parushev (IBTSC,
Άμστερνταμ, Ολλανδία) και τη συμμετοχή του Νικόλαου Ασπρούλη, της Δρ.
Anne Marie Reijnen (Καθολικό Ινστιτούτο, Παρίσι, Γαλλία) και της Δρ.
Nevena Dimitrova (Σόφια, Βουλγαρία). Η στρόγγυλη αυτή τράπεζα ασχολήθηκε
με τους ενδεχόμενους τρόπους ειλικρινούς συνάντησης και επικοινωνίας με
τον άλλο. Επιπλέον ζητήθηκε από τους συμμετέχοντες στην στρόγγυλη αυτή
τράπεζα να προβληματιστούν και να σχολιάσουν ερωτήματα όπως τα ακόλουθα:
Πώς μπορείτε να φανταστείτε την θεολογία ως ένα κοινό εγχείρημα; Σε
ποιο βαθμό νομίζετε ότι είναι δυνατό και χρήσιμο να τεθούν σε παρένθεση
τα επίθετα: Ορθόδοξος, Καθολικός, Προτεστάντης ...;. Κατά τη διάρκεια
της απογευματινής συνεδρίας παρουσιάστηκαν δύο εισηγήσεις, η πρώτη από
την Δρ. Anne Marie Reijnen με θέμα «Ένα χωριό ή μια πόλη; Διαφορετικά
πρότυπα συμβίωσης οδηγούν σε διαφορετικά είδη εκκλησιολογίας», και η
δεύτερη από την Δρ. Kateřina Bauerová (ETF UK Πράγα, Τσεχία) με τίτλο
«Γεωγραφικοί και φαντασιακοί χώροι: Ο Sergei Bulgakov και η Joanna
Reitlinger στην Πράγα». Η δεύτερη μέρα του συνεδρίου ολοκληρώθηκε με μια
περιήγηση στην πόλη της Πράγας σε τρείς ομάδες. Η πρώτη ομάδα υπό την
καθοδήγηση της Katerina Bauerová επισκέφτηκε τα μέρη όπου έζησαν οι
Ρώσοι εμιγκρέδες στην Πράγα, η δεύτερη υπό την καθοδήγηση του Martin
Kováč ακολούθησε τα βήματα της Χουσιτικής μεταρρύθμισης στην πόλη ενώ η
τρίτη ομάδα υπό τον Filip Härtel επισκέφτηκε το μουσείο της μουσικής
στην Πράγα.
Την Κυριακή (24 Μαίου), μετά την πρωινή Λειτουργία,
έλαβε χώρα η τελευταία στρόγγυλη τράπεζα υπό την προεδρία του Γιώργου
Βλαντή, με τη συμμετοχή των Δρ. Ivana Noble, Δρ. Kateřina Bauerová, Δρ.
Tim Noble, Δρ. Parush Parushev, όπου και συζητήθηκε αναλυτικά με αφορμή
το πενταετές αυτό πρόγραμμα, το ερώτημα για την τρέχουσα κατάσταση της
ορθόδοξης θεολογίας. Την στρόγγυλη τράπεζα ακολούθησε συζήτηση με τη
συμμετοχή όλων των συνέδρων, οι οποίοι είχαν την ευκαιρία να διατυπώσουν
ερωτήματα στους διοργανωτές και να σχολιάσουν διάφορες όψεις του
προγράμματος.
Αξίζει να σημειωθεί ότι ένα από τα σημαντικότερα
αποτελέσματα του προγράμματος αυτού υπήρξε η πρόσφατη έκδοση του βιβλίου
με τίτλο The Way of Orthodox Theology in the West, foreword by Fr. J.
Behr (St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, NY 2015), το οποίο και
φέρει την υπογραφή των Ivana Noble, Kateřina Bauerová, Tim Noble, και
Parush Parushev. Σύμφωνα με τη συνοπτική περιγραφή του βιβλίου, η
ιστορία της σχέσης της Ορθοδοξίας με τη Δύση παίζει έναν κεντρικό ρόλο
στην οικοδόμηση της ορθόδοξης ταυτότητας. Η ιστορία αυτή έφτασε σε μια
αποφασιστική καμπή κατά τη διάρκεια του εικοστού αιώνα. Ξαφνικά, οι
Ορθόδοξοι στοχαστές, ιδιαίτερα εκείνοι που προέρχονταν από την πρώην
Ρωσική Αυτοκρατορία, βρέθηκαν να ζουν σε ξένες χώρες, όντας αναγκασμένοι
να προσεγγίζουν την Ορθοδοξία μέσα από την άλλη άκρη του καθρέφτη – τη
Δύση. Ήταν ακριβώς εξαιτίας της Δύσης που οι Ορθόδοξοι θεολόγοι βρέθηκαν
αντιμέτωποι με τη μεγαλύτερη πρόκληση για τη συλλογική θρησκευτική τους
ταυτότητα: Τι σημαίνει να είσαι Ορθόδοξος μακριά από το περιβάλλον της
Ανατολής;
Press Release
On May 22-24, 2015, an International
Scientific Doctoral and Post-Doctoral conference, organized and hosted
by the Protestant Theological Faculty of Charles University, was
successfully held in Prague on the general theme: “Ecumenical Reception
and Critique of 20th century Orthodox theology in Exile and Diaspora”.
It was the 5th conference in the framework of the project “Symbolic
Mediation of Wholeness in Western Orthodoxy”, which was financed by the
Czech Republic (GAČR P401/11/1688). The Volos Academy for Theological
Studies was represented by two Academic Associates, Mr. Nikolaos
Asproulis (PhD ABD, MTh, journal Theologia) and Mr. Georgios Vlantis
(M.Th., Assistant of the Chair of Orthodox Systematic Theology in
Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, University of Munich). Along with the
main lectures, three round tables took place and various short papers
were presented in parallel events during the conference.
During the
first day, after the introductory presentation by Dr. Ivana Noble
(Professor of Ecumenical Theology, Protestant Theological Faculty of
Charles University) on the conference’s general theme, Dr. Johannes
Oeldemann (Johannes-Möhler Institut, Paderborn) spoke on the topic
“"Living interpreters of the treasure of tradition": Fruits and
Challenges of theological and spiritual encounter between Orthodox and
Catholics in the second half of the 20th century”. Rev. Dr. John Behr
(Dean and Professor of Patristics, St. Vladimir’s Theological Seminary,
New York) presented a paper on the topic “From Synchronic Mind to
Diachronic Symphony: Returning to the Fathers after a Neo-Patristic
Detour”. The first round table moderated by Dr. Tim Noble (ETF UK,
Prague) with Dr. Eleni Kasselouri-Hatzivassiliadi (Hellenic Open
University), Dr. Christoph Schneider (Institute for Orthodox Christian
Studies, Cambridge) and Georgios Vlantis, was dedicated to the following
question: How to move beyond the schemes and ideological distortions of
the Other? The participants of this round table were asked to reflect
on the long-term existent tension regarding Orthodox reception of the
ecumenical movement as well as the reception of the Orthodox by others,
and the various kinds of captivities of the Orthodox theology
(“Babylonian captivity”, Anti-Western captivity, Neo-Patristic
captivity, Ecclesiocentric captivity). Moreover two questions were
further discussed: What does Orthodox theology need to be freed from at
this stage? What good things can we learn from all these exiles? The
first day concluded with three groups where various short papers were
presented, such as: Zdenko Širka (PhD ABD, Jabok College and ETF UK,
Prague), “Alternative hermeneutical work as a response to modern
Orthodox captivities”, Viorel Coman (Doctoral Student, Roma Catholic
Faculty, KU Leuven), “Radix Omnium Malorum Filioque Est? A Critical
Assessment of Vladimir Lossky’s and Dumitru Stăniloae ’s Perspectives on
the Relationship between the Filioque and the Doctrine of the Church”,
Marieke Maes (Fontys University, Utrecht, The Netherlands), “Hope,
hermeneutics and eschatology (Based on the philosophy of Paul Ricœur)”,
Filip Härtel (Doctoral Student, ETF UK, Prague), “Five moments of
interreligious dialogue in Richard Kearney's Anatheism”, etc.
During
the second day and after the morning prayer (prepared by the Orthodox
participants and dedicated to peace), a session under the general theme
“People who have embodied ecumenical dialogue and their impact” took
place. In this session Dr. Eleni Kasselouri- Hatzivassiliadi (Hellenic
Open University) presented a paper with the title “Elizabeth Behr-Sigel:
A Significant Orthodox and Ecumenical Figure of the 20th Century”. Dr.
Robert Svatoň (Cyril and Methodius Theological Faculty, Palacky
University, Olomouc) spoke about “Tomáš Špidlík” (the late Cardinal and
prominent scholar) while Dr. Stefan Höschele (Theologisch Hochschule
Friedensau) presented a paper on “Bert B. Beach, the Bridge Builder”.
The end of this session was followed by a second round table moderated
by Dr. Parush Parushev (IBTSC, Amsterdam) with Nikolaos Asproulis, Dr.
Anne Marie Reijnen (Institute Catholique, Paris) and Dr. Nevena
Dimitrova (Sofia) which dealt with the issue of how to move towards a
genuine participation with the other. Additionally the participants of
this table were asked to reflect and comment on questions such as the
following: Which concepts of Orthodox/Western theology have you found
particularly helpful? How can you imagine theology as a common
enterprise? To what degree do you think it is possible and helpful to
drop the adjectives: Orthodox, Catholic, Protestant...? During the
evening session two papers were presented by Dr. Anne Marie Reijnen
(Institute Catholique, Paris), “A Village or a City? Different models of
shared life inspiring different ecumenical ecclesiologies” and by Dr.
Kateřina Bauerová (ETF UK Prague) “Geographical and Imaginary Spaces:
Sergei Bulgakov and Joanna Reitlinger in Prague”. The second day of the
conference concluded with a move to the town in three groups, the first
leaded by Katerina Bauerová which visited the Prague of the Russian
émigrés, the second by Martin Kováč which followed the traces of the
Hussite Reform in the city and the third by Filip Härtel which visited
the museum of music in Prague.
On Sunday (May 24th) after the
morning Liturgy a final round table, moderated by Georgios Vlantis with
Dr. Ivana Noble, Dr. Kateřina Bauerová, Dr. Tim Noble, Dr. Parush
Parushev took place where the question about the current state of
Orthodox theology, by virtue of the work done during the five years’
project, was extensively addressed. The round table was followed by a
concluding discussion where all the participants of the conference asked
their own questions or commented on different aspects of this project.
It is noteworthy that one of the most important fruits of this project
was a very important publication: Ivana Noble, Kateřina Bauerová, Tim
Noble, Parush Parushev The Way of Orthodox Theology in the West,
foreword by Fr. J. Behr (St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, NY
2015). According to the brief description of the book the story of
Orthodox Christianity’s relationship with the West plays a pivotal role
in the construction of Orthodox identity. That story took a decisive
turn in the twentieth century. Suddenly, Orthodox thinkers, particularly
those from the former Russian Empire, found themselves living in
foreign lands and looking at Orthodoxy through the other end of the
looking glass — the West. It was from there that Orthodox theologians
were faced with the greatest challenge to their collective religious
identity: What did it mean to be Eastern Orthodox outside of the East?
Orthodox Theology in Western Europe in the 20th Century
Orthodox theology in Western Europe in the 20th century is a
fascinating phenomenon. Owing to the revolution in Russia and the
economic and political migrations of Orthodox believers from many other
European and Middle Eastern countries, the very small Orthodox
communities of Western Europe began to grow. The encounter of the
migrants with the West provoked new questions, or new imperatives to
draw on existing sources. In order to ground the theological
developments and emphases, the first part of this article sketches the
historical, cultural, political, and ecclesiastical contexts of the
movements of Orthodox theology to the West in the 20th century. The
second part looks at particular people and the major theological themes
that concerned them, whilst the third part considers the challenges for
the 21st century.
- Context
- Orthodox Christianity in Western Europe at the Dawn of the 20th Century
- The Exodus from Russia and the National States that Succeeded the Ottoman Empire
- The Theological Heritage Brought to the West from Pre-Revolution Russia
- New Centres of Orthodox Theology in Western Europe
- Themes and People
- Freedom and Wholeness
- Tradition as a Source of Renewal
- Goodness and Beauty: The Church, Liturgy, Sacraments, and Icons
- Hesychast Religious Epistemology and Spiritual Practice
- The Call to Deification: Anthropological and Cosmological Perspectives
- Challenges Left for the 21st Century
- Appendix
- Sources
- Bibliography
- Notes
Citation
Context
After the fall of the Ottoman Empire and the Bolshevik revolution in Russia, Orthodox believers gave new life to places such as Berlin, Prague, and particularly Paris,
where two theological institutes, St. Sergius and St. Denys, were
founded which tried to preserve the heritage of the home churches and to
explore new possibilities of missionary activity in the West . This process can best be understood by looking at the diaspora before the First World War.
Orthodox Christianity in Western Europe at the Dawn of the 20th Century
Though small Orthodox communities existed in several Western European countries,1 the main focus of this entry is on France, Germany, and Britain,
as the three leading Orthodox countries in Western Europe. The first
significant Orthodox contact with the region occurred around 1600, when
Czar Boris Godunov (ca. 1551–1605) sent a group of 18 men to study in England, France, and Germany. Not a single one came back.2
During subsequent centuries, many Russians, especially aristocrats,
visited Western Europe, but there were no Orthodox churches or
communities there.
The first purpose-built Russian Church in Paris , dedicated to St. Aleksandr Nevskii (ca. 1220–1263) ,
was opened in 1861 and served the Russian nobility and merchants. The
first organised Orthodox community in Paris had, however, been formed by
the Romanians. In the 1850s a priest, Archimandrite Josaphat Snagoveano (ca. 1797–1872) , came to Paris. Snagoveano was in exile as a result of the abortive revolution of 1848, and in late 1853 he founded a Romanian Chapel, which came under the authority of the Metropolitan of Bucharest in 1860.3 Meanwhile, a Greek-speaking congregation had formed in Marseille,
and its church, completed in 1845, was the first Orthodox church built
in France. Its construction was financed by a group of Greeks from the Black Sea region who had moved to France following the French Revolution
in 1789. The communities in France prior to around 1920 were in general
too small for there to have been any real conflicts between different
jurisdictions, and each migrant church sought links with its home
Patriarchate or Metropolitanate. These churches can be seen as typical
ethnic churches, serving the needs of expatriates.
The story in Germany was broadly similar. During the Middle Ages,
there was contact between Orthodox and Roman Catholic believers in the
territory of what is now Germany, and of course there was also
widespread migration of German-speakers eastwards. Although these
emigrants took their own version of Christianity with them (and after
the Reformation ,
many became Protestants), there is, nevertheless, a long history of
individual contacts between German-speakers and Orthodoxy. However, the
first Orthodox community in Germany came into being in 1718, and the
first Orthodox church was built only in 1829, in the Russian colony of Alexandrowka , in Potsdam. Owing to dynastic ties
between the German and Russian nobility and visits to Germany by the
Russian aristocracy, temporary communities were formed in a number of
spa towns
and elsewhere, especially in the summer months. The Russian Orthodox
presence tended to be initiated through diplomatic and aristocratic
channels, whilst the Greek Orthodox communities arose from merchant
communities. After the opening of the borders of the Ottoman Empire in
1700, Greek traders participated in the Leipzig trade fairs, and there is a record of Orthodox liturgy having been celebrated there in 1742.4 Leipzig was also important, alongside Venice, as a place where Greeks could publish their books. Links with Bavaria were strengthened with the election of Otto (1815–1867) , the second son of the King of Bavaria, as the King of the newly independent Greece in 1832. A number of Greeks went to study in Munich, where Otto's father Ludwig I (1786–1868) ,
a strong supporter of Greek independence, had already given the Greeks a
former Roman Catholic church building, the Church of Our Saviour ,
which is today the longest-standing Orthodox church building in
continuous function in Germany, being used by the Greek community since
1830.5
In Britain, the situation was similar. Already in the early 17th
century, there had been a growing Anglican interest in Orthodoxy, and
the Patriarch of Constantinople, Kyrillos Loukaris (1572–1638) ,6 requested Anglican support against the inroads of the Jesuits in the Mediterranean
area. The first church for the Greek Orthodox community in Britain was
built in 1681, but owing to conflicts within the community it was not
able to fulfil its role, and until 1850 believers were dependent on the
chapel of the Russian embassy. In the second half of the 19th century
the Greeks, with support from politically independent Greece,7 established their own church structure.
Generally, the Orthodox communities in France, Germany, and Britain
were small, and exercised hardly any influence on other churches or on
Western societies as a whole. Although, in the 18th century, some
Western works were translated or edited into Greek by St. Nikodemos of the Holy Mountain (1748–1809) , there was very little direct contact between Western and Eastern theologians,8
and no Orthodox theology was conducted in Western Europe. Owing to
their focus on their own members (if they looked outwards, it was to
their motherlands), the communities did not consider internal Orthodox
unity when they established their first juridical links.
The Exodus from Russia and the National States that Succeeded the Ottoman Empire
Orthodox theology began in Western Europe as a direct result of the
exodus of theologians and religious thinkers from Russia, who were among
the hundreds of thousands of voluntary and forced migrants following
the Bolshevik revolution in October 1917. There were several major
routes to the West. Some individuals, like Fr. Sergei N. Bulgakov (1871–1944) , came via Istanbul, others, such as Fr. Georges Florovsky (1893–1979) via Sofia, and many, like Nikolai O. Losskii (1870–1965) with his family, or Nikolai Berdyaev (1874–1948) ,
were expelled from their homes, and came first to Berlin, from where
some went to Prague and others straight to Paris. Still others went to Belgrade, as the government of the new Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (which was to become the Kingdom of Yugoslavia
in 1929) sought to build up its intelligentsia and needed people to
work in leading positions in the newly established civil service. The
headquarters of the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia (ROCOR) was
also located there, not far from the newly founded theological faculty
of Belgrade University. Each of these temporary homes imprinted its
character on the Orthodox exiles, and provided them with different
opportunities to develop their ecclesiastical and intellectual lives,
and for contact with others.9
Berlin was initially important also for economic reasons, since the
weakness of the German currency in the early 1920s meant that life was
relatively cheap, and many of the leading émigré publishing
houses were established in Berlin, printing works by people like
Berdyaev. It was also Berdyaev that helped to start a religious academy
in Berlin, where lectures and discussions took place, hoping to prepare
for the fall of Bolshevism and the restoration of a "true Russia". These
kinds of setting were an important semi-formal platform for the
discussion of theological ideas, and much of the Orthodox theology that
emerged from the late 1920s and early 1930s onwards was first shared and
debated in one of the myriad of small groups and seminars that existed
in the various centres of "Russia outside Russia".
Prague had other attractions. There was financial assistance, thanks
to the efforts of the head of state of the newly-formed country of Czechoslovakia, President Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk (1850–1937) ,
who had long been interested in the Slavophile movement and wished to
prepare a Russian intellectual elite to run the country after what he
saw as the inevitable and rapid fall of Bolshevism. The main focus of émigré
life in Prague was thus education. In 1923, the Russian People's
University was founded, where both Nikolai Losskii and Bulgakov taught.
There were also other independent institutions, the most important for
theology being Kondakov's Byzantine Studies Seminar, where Vladimir Losskii (1903–1958) began his studies.10
It was also in Czechoslovakia that the first meeting of the exiled
Russian Christian Student Movement took place in 1923. Supported by the
YMCA, it was initially shaped primarily by Bulgakov and Berdyaev, whose
notions of political, intellectual, and spiritual freedom became vital
both for coping with the situation in the motherland and for new ways of
relating to the Western Christians.11
However, the major centre of Orthodoxy in the West by the end of the
1920s was Paris. Apart from the development of the two theological
institutes, to which we will return below, a major feature of Orthodox
life in Paris was the various seminars organised especially by Berdyaev.
These were a development of what had begun in Berlin, but had in fact
much deeper roots, going back to pre-Revolution Russian circles.12
In Paris, Berdyaev initially brought together Orthodox, Protestant, and
Catholic theologians in seminars meeting first in the Russian Centre,
and then at his home in the suburb of Clamart. These seminars, attended
by Catholics like Jacques Maritain (1882–1973) and Étienne Gilson (1884–1978) , or Protestants like Wilfred Monod (1867–1943) and Marc Boegner (1881–1970) ,
saw, for example, some of the first presentations of Florovsky's
thinking on Neo-Patristics that was to come to dominate 20th-century
Orthodox theology in the West. Much of the theological thinking emerged,
then, from highly contextual settings, where academic rigour was
combined or confronted with the reality of a violently uprooted
community struggling to find meaning and identity in a new world.
The Theological Heritage Brought to the West from Pre-Revolution Russia
The new theological development among Orthodox believers in the West
can best be traced through the mission of the two theological institutes
established in Paris, St. Sergius and St Denys. The renewal the professors at these institutions brought from their homeland included the fruits of Hesychast spirituality13 contributing – together with the Slavophile movement14
– to the recovery of the Church Fathers, providing not only access to
their texts, but also a mentality infused with the same Spirit. The Patristic – or later Neo-Patristic – School in emigration, represented by Florovsky,15 Vladimir Losskii, Fr. Alexander Schmemann (1921–1983) , and Fr. John Meyendorff (1926–1992) ,
was originally connected to these other currents of revival. From the
Slavophile circles, another desire emerged, namely to find and share the
specific Russian spiritual, philosophical, and theological
contribution, as distinct from the Byzantine or Western approaches.
Here, Ivan Kireevsky's (1806–1856) view of integral knowledge16 and Aleksei Khomiakov's (1804–1860) notion of sobornost' 17
as the foundation of church life continued to have influence in the
West, despite the fact that Slavophilism had been discredited by the
idea of pan-Slavism and its political ambitions.
The specific Russian religious thinking was also expressed in Berdyaev's philosophy of freedom18 and in Sophiology,19 initiated by Vladimir S. Soloviev (1853–1900)
and developed by Bulgakov in Paris. For its part, the Neo-Patristic
School was largely isolated from other sources of renewal, and opposed
the so-called "Russian Religious Renaissance".20 The last but not least important stream of revival, the desire for a social reform stemming from Christian principles,21
was perhaps most strongly discredited by the revolution which caused
its former proponents, like the professor of canon law at St. Sergius, Anton Kartashev (1875–1960) ,
to turn against it and regard it as an impossible and dangerous dream.
This teaching was to influence succeeding generations. Nevertheless, the
desire remained alive, and bore fruit in Maria Skobtsova's (1891–1945) social action and theological reflection before and during the Second World War.22
New Centres of Orthodox Theology in Western Europe
The first centres of Orthodox theology in the West emerged from the Russian Orthodox émigré communities. The Bolshevik Revolution in Russia caused juridical splits in the western Russian Orthodox diaspora. In 1925 Evlogii (1868–1946) , the Metropolitan of Russian Orthodox Churches in Western Europe,23
strongly supported by the YMCA among others, founded the St. Sergius
Theological Institute. Classes at the institute were in Russian, and its
students were recruited exclusively from Orthodox circles.
At St. Sergius, different theological directions present in
pre-revolutionary Russia came together. Bulgakov, the first dean and
head of the dogmatic theology department, worked on his Sophiology.
Apart from this theological contribution, Bulgakov was also a very
gifted pastor who gathered around him a wide-ranging group of spiritual
children, including Mother Maria Skobtsova and Fr. Dimitri Klepinin (1904–1944) ,
both later canonised. Florovsky, who initially trained as a lawyer,
became professor of patristics, and inspired many of his students,
including Schmemann and Meyendorff, through his interest in the works
and lives of the Church Fathers, whom he saw as the only authentic
source for the renewal of Orthodox theology. His programme of
Neo-Patristic synthesis was accompanied by an attempt to reflect on the
new forms of Orthodox mission in the West. Both Bulgakov and Florovsky
will be given more detailed attention later in the text. Similar
interests to those of Florovsky were pursued by Fr. Archimandrite Cyprian Kern (1899–1960) , professor of patristics and liturgy, and Fr. Nicolas Afanassieff (1893–1966) , professor of canon law.
Afanassieff also drew on the legacy of the Slavophiles, especially
Khomiakov's ecclesiology. He insisted that the church was not primarily a
legal institution whose life was to be determined by laws analogously
to other institutions. Such an approach would go against the demand for a
new life in Christ, which is indeed also organised in the church by
canons, but which cannot be dominated by any other power than the "power
of love". Afanassieff sought to show that an excessively strict
jurisdictional and institutional conception of the church came from a
failure to grasp its deeper sacramental-liturgical roots. On the basis
of this he built his own Eucharistic ecclesiology.24
From the beginning of the 20th century, Kern had been following the
renewal of the liturgical movement in the Roman Catholic Church, and he
showed how closely it was linked to the Orthodox renewal movement.25
The weakest part of the Institute was its biblical studies
department. In the syllabus, it was presumed that each of the
theological disciplines should proceed from biblical roots, but this
made it difficult to treat biblical studies as a separate discipline.
Moreover, the members of the faculty felt the need to protect themselves
from the historical criticism which dominated contemporary Western
biblical studies.26 A synthesis of the two approaches was attempted by Anton Kartashev, who also taught Old Testament at the Institute.27 Fr. Cassian Bezobrazov (ca. 1892–1965) ,
professor of New Testament studies, tried to apply the criticism and to
show the new possibilities for theological reflection on tradition and
ecclesiology.28
The other Orthodox theological centre in Paris was the Institute of
St. Denys the Areopagite, which was founded in 1944 under the Moscow Patriarchate. Its aim was to offer theological training in French in order to address a broader audience of French intellectuals.
Admittance to the Institute was not exclusively for Orthodox. Moreover,
it placed an emphasis on dialogue with Western Christianity, since it
was with Western Christianity and in the West that Orthodoxy was seeking
to discover its new mission.29
Although St. Sergius has found a more prominent place in the subsequent
developments of Orthodoxy in the West, St. Denys will receive equally
detailed coverage here, since it marked another possible way for
Orthodoxy to encounter the West, some aspects of which may still be an
inspiration today.
Fr. Eugraph Kovalevsky (1905–1970) ,
the first principal of the latter Institute, taught patristics, and
Vladimir Losskii, the first dean, who taught dogmatics and church
history, was not only an expert in both Eastern and Western mystical
theologies, but also participated in the Hesychast renewal which found
its way to France via a Romanian priest, Fr. André Scrima (ca. 1925–2000) .30 Other members of staff included Archimandrite Alexis van der Mensbrugghe (1899–1980) , who taught patristics and liturgy, and Léonide A. Ouspensky (1902–1987) , who taught iconography. In the first two years, Schmemann and Constantin Andronikov (1916–1997) from St. Sergius were guest lecturers in liturgy and Byzantine Studies.31 There were also Roman Catholic and Protestant teachers, and the first registrar was Gabriel Marcel (1889–1973) .32
Despite the juridical split that affected the two institutes, their
work can be seen as complementary. While St. Sergius concentrated on
priestly formation, and Bulgakov in particular, owing to his pastoral
talent, gathered around him Russian émigrés from various circles,
St. Denys offered an open dialogue with French intellectuals,
interpretation of Orthodox theology in interchange with Catholics, Anglicans, and Protestants, joint formation of clergy and laity. According to Olivier Clément (1921–2009) , who converted to Orthodoxy in this environment, Hesychasm, too, was practised there, going beyond confessional borders.33
Another very interesting aspect of the life here was the attempt to
adapt Orthodox liturgy to a Western, and specifically French, context.
Along with the Kovalevsky brothers (Eugraph Kovalevsky, the talented
composer Maxime Kovalevsky (1903–1988) , and the historian Pierre Kovalevsky (1901–1978) ), Fr. Lev Gillet (c. 1892–1980) ,
and other members of the Brotherhood of St. Photius who were involved
in St. Denys, Vladimir Losskii also sought new liturgical forms which
would come out of the apostolic tradition and at the same time be
incarnated in local culture. This led to the development of the Liturgy
of St. Germain.34
Further splits took place within St. Denys which severely weakened
it. In 1953, most of the staff left the Moscow Patriarchate, which led
to Vladimir Losskii and Ouspensky severing their ties with the
Institute. From this group the Orthodox Church in France was later
formed, returning to Gallic roots. It passed through several different
jurisdictions.35
The causes of these splits still await an unbiased revaluation. In its
weakened form, St. Denys still exists in Paris today, offering only
small evening courses. There is now practically no communication between
St. Denys and the Institute of St. Sergius.
From 1954, the Moscow Patriarchate organised various theological and
pastoral courses in Paris. For example, Ouspensky, who had also left the
Institute of St. Denys, gave courses on the theology of icons. After
the fall of communism, the Moscow Patriarchate worked on founding its
own theological school in Paris. This finally took place in 2008, with
the opening of a Russian Spiritual Seminary.36
Themes and People
The major figures and themes of Orthodox theology in the West,
despite the domination of the Neo-Patristic School, further developed
the pre-revolutionary Russian heritage and also drew on other
inspirational sources.
Freedom and Wholeness
The experience of the revolution and the subsequent Bolshevik regime
in Russia emphasised, especially for the first generation of émigré
theologians, the value of freedom. Berdyaev, part of whose story has
been mentioned, characterised himself as a philosopher of existence and
freedom.37
Formerly a Marxist intellectual, for whom materialism and Marxist
ethics became inadequate, he embraced Soloviev's Christian universalism
and especially his emphasis on freedom and creativity. Drawing on
Kireevsky and Khomiakov, he offered a cosmic interpretation of
resurrection and salvation, in which freedom understood as anarchy
played a vital role.38
Freedom and wholeness became two of the key themes of Orthodox
theology in the West, and influenced how the relationship between God
and his creation, and especially humanity, was understood. To Berdyaev,
the human being was free not despite his union with his creator but
because of it, and this freedom was the chief reflection of the image of
God which moves towards eschatological likeness. Berdyaev also
influenced Western theology through the way in which his ideas were
taken up by and supported the personalism of thinkers like Emmanuel Mounier (1905–1950) and others.39
Besides Berdyaev, who despite his immense activity and influence was
quite a solitary figure, the theme of freedom and wholeness was
developed in Orthodox theology in several forms, but most evidently in
Bulgakov's sophiological writings, which applied Soloviev's ideas to
questions about the nature of the Trinity and the relation of the
Trinitarian God to creation and to the Church. Unfortunately, his Sophiology has tended to be reduced to discussions about a fourth divine hypostasis,40 but there is more to it, especially its emphasis on the inherent and necessary unity of theological and mystical life.41
Tradition as a Source of Renewal
The broken continuity which became part of the life of the Orthodox émigré
theologians was an important but not the sole impetus for turning their
attention to the roots. In this they followed the pre-Revolution
patristic renewal in Russia. The Neo-Patristic school, however, as a
dominant current of Orthodox theology, was shaped in the West by people
like Florovsky, Schmemann, or Meyendorff. Although all three of them
eventually left for America, they continued to exercise a strong influence on European theology. At the First Congress of Orthodox Theology, held in Athens
in 1936, Florovsky called for a return to the tradition of the Fathers.
In his interpretation, the creative journey to the roots was to lead
the way forward.42 In his own works on patristics43
as well as in his criticism of conservative restorationism, he was
aware of the danger of the reification of tradition, though his own
attacks on other currents of theology, especially Sophiology, as futile novelties and, in contrast, the permanent value he ascribed to Christian Hellenism may render him liable to be charged with this, too.
According to Schmemann, the texture of Christian existence is
permanently captured in the Greek Church Fathers of the second and third
centuries. They are not to be adapted, but rather we are to adapt to be able to enter into their experience.44
While sharing the same methodological weakness as Florovsky, Schmemann
rediscovered in the Fathers a holistic participatory manner of
understanding. They relate to the world, the church, and the Kingdom of
God in a non-dualist manner. This offered an alternative to those
theologies which separated out divinely marked parts of life, such as
sacraments, from the rest of reality, which thus remained impoverished
and secularised.45
Schmemann also applied an eschatological understanding of liturgy to
tradition, as will be seen below. Thus tradition was seen as coming not
from the past, but from the eschatological future. This further
strengthened its unchangeability.
Meyendorff explained the permanent reference point of Byzantine theology historically.46 He derived its value from the fact that for over a thousand years Byzantium
formed a setting in which a particular religious-political synthesis
was formed, one which together with Early Christianity has given their
character to Orthodox liturgy, theology, and spirituality, "historically
consistent with the Apostolic faith itself".47
Florovsky's and Schmemann's positions were complemented by others, such as Meyendorff or Jaroslav Jan Pelikan (1923–2006) , who provided more finely nuanced approaches to the balance of variety and unity, change and continuity.48
However, the subsequent generations of Orthodox Neo-Patristic scholars
derived from them the inclination to evaluate current development in
Orthodox theology not so much as an authentic continuation but rather in
terms of a "pseudomorphosis" of Christian tradition.
Paradoxically, one of the less attractive elements present among the
Slavophiles, namely the conviction of the superiority of their position
over Western theology, was also present in the Neo-Patristic school.49
They claimed that their notion of tradition, inherited from the Greek
or Byzantine Church Fathers, was the ultimate one and did not result
simply from history, but derived from the realm of the Resurrection,
where the Fathers reigned with Christ. This led to the rejection of the
category of development and turned tradition into mythology, thus making
it normative over history.50
Thus, while we can say that rediscovering a creative way to the roots
and to the living tradition represented by the Greek Church Fathers of
the early centuries and by the Byzantine Fathers was one of the main
achievements of Orthodox theology in the 20th century, at the same time
it has led the Orthodox Church in diaspora to a curious position.
Leaving behind what the Neo-Patristic theologians called "Western or
Babylonian captivity",51
in other words, dependence on 17th and 18th century Catholic and
Protestant neo-scholastic theological language and categories, it
claimed superiority over the West, while seeking for new and authentic
ways of living in the West, and finding its mission amidst Western
political, cultural, intellectual, and spiritual traditions.
Goodness and Beauty: The Church, Liturgy, Sacraments, and Icons
The émigré theologians referred to the church's celebration of
the liturgy as a time of interruption in their lives filled with
hardship and loss. Alexander Schmemann saw the holistic vision of the
Church Fathers rooted in liturgy where, he says, all our existence is
included in the "all embracing vision of life".52
Schmemann's liturgical and sacramental theology was indebted to the
eucharistic theology of his Paris teacher, Fr. Nicolas Afanassieff, who
transposed Khomiakov's notion of sobornost' to the new context,
in which the Orthodox Church was a minority and had to search for its
identity as independent of the political, social and cultural Orthodox
milieu.53
For Schmemann, theology grows from the liturgy, in which he finds the
unifying principle of faith and life. Liturgy celebrates the symbolic
unity between the world and Christ and reveals God's plans for creation.
The church is rooted in and bound up with the world throughout history,
in the created goodness, in the fall, and in the rising. At the same
time it is a passage to the new creation, to the Kingdom of God.
Besides Schmemann's liturgical and sacramental theology there were
other approaches, such as Léonide A. Ouspensky's theology of icons or Paul Evdokimov's (1901–1970) sacramental theology and theology of beauty related to icons.54 They also drew on the Church Fathers, but with different emphases.Ouspensky,
who had been a soldier during the civil war and later become an
icon-painter, sought to establish how the divine life is revealed and
how it can be testified by icons, and how the faithful can learn from
good icons how to pray.55
Evdokimov, a pupil of Berdyaev, did not share Schmemann's polemical
attitude towards the West nor Florovsky's zeal against other currents of
renewal. As a lay theologian, he connected prayer and experience of the
spiritual world not primarily with liturgy, but with all experience of
love and beauty, symbolised in icons and art, which, according to him,
had a mission to cultivate humanity, and a prophetic function.56
Hesychast Religious Epistemology and Spiritual Practice
One of the fruits of the Neo-Patristic renewal was the rediscovery of the theology of St. Gregory Palamas (1296–1359) ,
and in particular his religious epistemology. Florovsky, but also later
in particular Meyendorff and the Romanian theologian Fr. Dumitru Stăniloae (1903–1993)
saw in Palamas a viable alternative to neo-scholasticism, with its
metaphysical order of mediating the divine. The distinction between the
inapproachable divine essence and approachable divine energies helped
them to see how a Palamite position could help in defending the direct
experience of the uncreated glory and the ontological participation in
God.57 While Stăniloae practised the Jesus Prayer and other aspects of Hesychast spirituality he found in Palamas and in the Philokalia,
which he also translated into Romanian, this was not true of the
Neo-Patristic scholars living in the West, including Florovsky and
Meyendorff. To them, liturgical spirituality was the only viable option,
and in fact, they regarded attempts to revive the Hesychast practices
with suspicion. They appreciated more what they saw as the historical
importance of Palamism, namely that it saved Orthodox theology from the
victory of nominalism and, as a result of that, from secularism.
A slightly different position was taken up by Vladimir Losskii. He
had a deep interest in medieval mysticism, and thus was less inclined to
polarise the "spiritual" East and the "speculative" West. Moreover,
Losskii was familiar with Hesychast practice, and he did not isolate
Palamas from Dionysius the Areopagite
and other spiritual and theological sources of Orthodoxy. In his works,
he drew on these sources together and introduced Orthodoxy to Western
readers as a mystical theology that integrates both apophatic (negative)
and kataphatic (positive) ways of knowing and participating in God.
While the kataphatic way, relying on symbolic knowledge of the type
found in Schmemann's liturgical theology, allows us to say something
about God and is communal, the apophatic way, or as Losskii says, "the
apophatic attitude" draws on Hesychast insights. It is a way of personal
conversion, a change of heart. It includes relinquishing idols, our
partial images of reality that claim completeness but cannot deliver it,
and makes space for the Holy Spirit, instructing us towards ever
greater plenitude of life.58
Losskii was criticised by other Neo-Patristic scholars for
introducing an element of agnosticism into Orthodox theology that could
relativise the Church's dogmatic teaching. This criticism, however, was
largely based on a misunderstanding of his works. On the other hand, it
can be said that his theology was an important counterpoint to the
tendencies to historical reductionism in the Neo-Patristic movement.
Perhaps also for this reason, he influenced subsequent generations of
theologians, either directly or through his disciple Olivier Clément.
The Call to Deification: Anthropological and Cosmological Perspectives
The anthropological and cosmological questions have been part of Orthodox émigré theology since its beginnings. They are present in Berdyaev's existentialism and in his concept of freedom, in Bulgakov's Sophiology,
in the Neo-Patristic balance of salvation with deification, in
Afanassieff's eucharistic ecclesiology, Schmemann's liturgical and
sacramental theology, Evdokimov's theology of beauty, as well as in
Hesychasm. Each movement represented a different facet of, and help in
understanding, the human being's place in the world and participation in
God, solidarity with and responsibility for other humans as well as for
the rest of the created world.
In this final section, we still need to mention two important
contributions, that of Mother Maria Skobtsova and that of Olivier
Clément. Already in the first generation of Orthodox emigration, Mother
Maria demonstrated a unique ability to concentrate on the here-and-now
rather than on the life left behind, and on the call to cultivate the
virtue of non-possession. This emphasis was immensely helpful in
circumstances marked by loss. Kenosis as a way of theosis, in
other words "letting go" (in the sense of "becoming free from all
attachments") as a way of participation in God always takes place for
her in the actual circumstances we find ourselves in, and always
together with others, first the poorest of the émigrés, later, during the War, the persecuted Jews.59
Two symbols played a special role for her: motherhood as a way of
relating to others, and liturgy of life. To her, liturgy was celebrated
in the world, and taking part in it did not mean entering the safety of
the sacred, but the realm of the Spirit. There a person would learn "to
accept the new, to comprehend it, to make out precisely what it demands
of us."60
Olivier Clément, who was one generation younger and converted to
Orthodoxy from agnosticism, at first perceived anthropology also
existentially, from "the noise of absence".61
By this he means loss of the sense of mystery of God by secularised
people when, paradoxically, it still can be encountered in nature,62
which can remind us of the lost grounds of our relational existence.
These grounds are best seen embodied in the person, free from
self-centredness, whose knowledge comes from the union of heart and
head, and who becomes an unlimited place where God is. Clément himself
found this with the Hesychast startsy.63
He admired their refusal to cling to the self. Later he elucidated that
a transformed humanity was possible because God descended in Christ to
our utmost poverty, and by bearing our flesh he enabled us to become
bearers of the Spirit, and in this way fully human.64
For this purpose, we were created in the image of the Holy Trinity, an
integral unity calling for unity with the creation in God.65
Deification and humanisation thus become one movement, and in this
movement humans are also reconnected with the rest of the world. Like
Mother Maria Skobtsova, Clément seeks the practical expression of this
journey. Theology, spirituality, and ethics are for him three different
ways of speaking about one reality, each of their contributions being
vital.
Challenges Left for the 21st Century
The end of communism in the late 1980s and early 1990s has had an
obvious effect on the life of Orthodox communities in Western Europe.
Churches have seen the arrival of new people coming from Russia, the
former Yugoslavia, Greece, Bulgaria, Romania,
and other Orthodox backgrounds, and there have been both successes and
tensions. The old theological centres face the challenge of finding
their vocation in a changed world, and new centres are being established
in Germany, Great Britain, and the Netherlands,66
for example. Despite the waves of newcomers, it is possible to say that
the Orthodox presence in the West is changing from that of a diaspora
to that of a local church, even if juridically divided, and this has an
impact on theology.
Those who teach and study Orthodox theology are no longer émigrés.
Nevertheless, in some countries, such as Germany, those who teach
Orthodoxy as well as the majority of the believers are new immigrants,
who live in very different circumstances with much greater freedom of
movement and of communication with home churches. In other parts of Europe,
however, such as France or Britain, Orthodox believers are either of
the third or fourth generation, having already been born and raised in
the West, or increasingly often converts to Orthodoxy, as well as those
who are interested in Orthodoxy but remain part of other Church
communities.
The practice of Hesychasm has become more established, helped by the legacy of Archimandrite Sophrony (1896–1993) , and the Monastery of St John the Baptist he founded in England.67
Orthodox theology and spirituality in particular continue to reach far
beyond the Orthodox communion, due to figures like Metropolitan Kallistos Ware, Bishop of Diokleia (born 1934) or Fr. Andrew Louth (born 1944) , professor at Durham University.
The presence of such people is also a reminder of the importance of
the interaction with other branches of the Christian Church which have
occurred as a result of Orthodoxy's move to the West. Sergej N. Bulgakov
was a participant in the very first meeting of Faith and Order at Lausanne
in 1927, and later Florovsky was to take an active part in the meetings
of Faith and Order and was a key founding member of the World Council
of Churches (WCC). Both of them were also regularly involved in the
Fellowship of St. Alban and St. Sergius, founded in 1928, which brought
together especially Anglicans and Orthodox.
There were also contacts with Roman Catholics, as mentioned above, with Berdyaev playing a leading role.68
These encounters were to have a significant effect on Roman Catholic
theology, especially in France. Many of the representatives of Nouvelle Théologie had contacts with Orthodoxy – most noticeably Yves Marie-Joseph Congar (1904–1995) and Jean Daniélou (1905–1974) .69 This influence was also greatly to affect the Second Vatican Council. There was also at least an indirect link with Pope John Paul II (1920–2005)
through Emmanuel Mounier, for whom the contact with Berdyaev was so
important. This mutual interaction shows no sign of coming to an end,
and the exchange of gifts between the various denominations, at least on
a theological level, continues to bear fruit.
Apart from the ecumenical dimension, there is also more dialogue with
Orthodox theologians in America, current Greek Orthodox theologians and
others living in the traditionally Orthodox countries. Both the
ecumenical dialogue and these intra-Orthodox encounters broaden the
scope of Orthodox theology and may gradually lead towards overcoming the
monopoly of the Neo-Patristic Synthesis, while keeping its best
contribution alive.
To do so will require a recognition of the limitations of what the
theologians presented here did and the need to recover some of the
undererstimated traces of the pre-revolutionary plurality, not at the
expense of what is there but in an open dialectic that is itself part of
the on-going journey towards fullness of life in God.70
Ivana Noble / Tim Noble, Prague
Appendix
Sources
Afanasieff, Nicolas: The Church of the Holy Spirit, Notre Dame, IN 2007.
Berdyaev, Nicolas A.: The Destiny of Man, San Rafael 2009.
idem: Dream and Reality: An Essay in Autobiography, London 1950.
idem: Freedom and the Spirit, San Rafael 2009.
idem: The Russian Idea, Hudson, NY 1992.
idem: The Meaning of History, San Rafael 2009.
Bezobrazov, Sergii (Cassian): Principi pravoslavnogo izuchenija Sv.
Pisanija [Principles of Orthodox Research of Holy Scripture], in: Put'
13 (1928), pp. 3–18.
Bulgakov, Sergej: Bride of the Lamb, Grand Rapids, MI 2002.
idem: The Orthodox Church, Crestwood, NY 1988.
idem: The Comforter, Grand Rapids, MI et al. 2004.
idem: The Lamb of God, Grand Rapids, MI 2008.
idem: Sophia: The Wisdom of God: An Outline of Sophiology, Hudson, NY 1993.
Clément, Olivier: On Human Being: Spiritual Anthropology, London et al. 2000.
Clément, Olivier: L'autre soleil: Quelques notes d'autobiographie spirituelle, Paris 2010.
Evdokimov, Paul: Ages of the Spiritual Life, Crestwood 1998.
idem: The Art of the Icon: A Theology of Beauty, Redondo Beach, CA 1993.
Florovsky, Georges: Patristics and Modern Theology: Advance Proof
Copy from the Acts of the 1st Congress of Orthodox Theology, Athens,
1936, Athens 1938.
idem: St Gregory Palamas and the Tradition of the Fathers, in: Sobornost 4 (1961), pp. 165–176.
idem: Vizantiiskie Otcy V-VIII [Byzantine Fathers of the 5th–8th Centuries], Paris 1933.
idem: Vostochnye Otcy IV-go veka [Eastern Fathers of the 4th Century], Paris 1931.
idem: Ways of Russian Theology, Belmont, MA 1979, vol. 1.
Kartašev, Anton Vladimirovich: Vethozavetnaja Biblejskaja Kritika [Old Testament Biblical Criticism], Paris 1947.
Kern, Cyprian: Kriny molitvennye: Sbornik statej po liturgicheskomy
bogosloviju [Like the Lilies of the Field: Collected Essays on
Liturgical Theology], Belgrade 1928.
Khomiakov, Aleksey Stepanovich: The Church is One, London 1968.
Kireevsky, Ivan: On the Necessity and Possibility of New Principles
in Philosophy, in: Boris Jakim et al. (eds.): On Spiritual Unity: A
Slavophile Reader, Hudson, NY 1998, pp. 233–273.
Losskii, Vladimir: The Mystical Theology of the Eastern Church, Cambridge 2005.
idem: Orthodox Theology: An Introduction, Crestwood, NY 1978.
Meyendorff, John: Introduction à l'étude de Gregory Palamas, Paris
1959. (English edition: A Study of Gregory Palamas, London 1964.)
idem: St Grégoire Palamas et la mystique orthodoxe, Paris 1959.
(English edition: St Gregory Palamas and Orthodox Spirituality,
Crestwood, NY 1998.)
idem: Byzantine Theology: Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes, New York, NY 1979.
idem: Living Tradition: Orthodox Witness in the Contemporary World, Crestwood, NY 1978.
Mother Maria Skobtsova: Towards a New Monasticism I: At the Heart of
the World, in: Richard Pevear et al. (eds.): Mother Maria Skobtsova:
Essential Writings, Maryknoll, NY 2003, pp. 90–95.
idem: Towards a New Monasticism II: Life Without Limits, in: Richard
Pevear et al. (eds.): Mother Maria Skobtsova: Essential Writings,
Maryknoll, NY 2003, pp. 96–103.
idem: The Poor in Spirit, in: Richard Pevear et al. (eds.): Mother
Maria Skobtsova: Essential Writings, Maryknoll, NY 2003, pp. 104–106.
Ouspensky, Leonid: The Theology of the Icon, Crestwood, NY 1992.
Ouspensky, Leonid / Losskii, Vladimir: The Meaning of Icons, Crestwood, NY 1982.
A propos de l'église catholique orthodoxe de France: Questions posées
par six théologiens orthodoxes (Père Cyrille Argenti, Père Boris
Bobrinskoj, Olivier Clément, Michel Evdokimov, Nicolas Losskii, Jean
Tchekan), supplément au Service Orthodoxe de Presse (SOP) 39 (June
1979), document 39.A, pp. 1–18.
Schmemann, Alexander: The Eucharist: Sacrament of the Kingdom, Crestwood, NY 1987.
idem: For the Life of the World: Sacraments and Orthodoxy, Crestwood, NY 1998.
idem: Liturgy and Life: Lectures and Essays on Christian Development through Liturgical Experience, New York, NY 1993.
idem: Liturgy and Theology, in: Thomas Fisch (ed.): Liturgy and
Tradition: Theological Reflections of Alexander Schmemann, Crestwood, NY
1990, pp. 49–69.
idem: Russian Theology 1920–1972: An Introductory Survey, in: St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly 16,4 (1972), pp. 172–194.
St. Athanasius: On the Ιncarnatiοn, edited and translated by Archibald Robertson, London 1891, online: http://www.archive.org/details/stathanasiusonth00athauoft [25/03/2013].
Stăniloae, Dumitru: Viața și învățătura Sfîntului Grigorie
Palama [The Life and Teaching of St. Gregory Palamas], Sibiu 1938.
Bibliography
Andreyev, Catherine / Savický, Ivan: Russia Abroad: Prague and the Russian Diaspora 1918–1938, New Haven et al. 2004.
Arjakovsky, Antoine: La génération des penseurs religieux de
l'émigration russe: La revue "La Voie (Put')", 1925–1940, Kiev et al.
2002.
Bauerová, Kateřina: Cesta k novému typu mnišství v emigraci [The Way
to a New Type of Monasticism in Emigration], in: Ivana Noble et al.:
Cesty pravoslavné teologie ve 20. století na Západ, Brno 2012, pp.
312–326.
idem: Ruské počátky životní pouti matky Marie Skobcové [The Russian
Beginnings of the Life Journey of Mother Maria Skobtsova], in: Ivana
Noble et al.: Cesty pravoslavné teologie ve 20. století na Západ, Brno
2012, pp. 312–326.
idem: Válka a výzvy postavit se na stranu obětí [War and the
Challenge to Stand on the Side of the Victim], in: Ivana Noble et al.:
Cesty pravoslavné teologie ve 20. století na Západ, Brno 2012, pp.
312–326.
idem: Zkušenost a teologie ruských emigrantů, in: Ivana Noble et al.:
Cesty pravoslavné teologie ve 20. století na Západ, Brno 2012, pp.
259–296.
Besse, Jean-Paul: L'église orthodoxe roumaine de Paris, au cœur du Quartier Latin, Paris 1994.
Blane, Andrew: Georges Florovsky: Russian Intellectual and Orthodox Churchman, Crestwood, NY 1993.
Chaillot, Christine (ed.): Histoire de l'église orthodoxe en Europe occidentale au XXe siècle, Paris 2005.
Christoff, Peter K.: An Introduction to Nineteenth Century Slavophilism, The Hague 1972, vol. II: I.V. Kireevskij.
Cunningham, James: A Vanquished Hope: The Movement for Church Renewal in Russia, 1905–1906, Crestwood, NY 1981.
Destivelle, Hyacinthe: Le Père Congar et l'orthodoxie russe: Un
dialogue de vérité, in: Bulletin de littérature ecclésiastique 106,4
(2005), pp. 377–400.
Famerée, Joseph: Orthodox Influence on the Roman Catholic Theologian
Yves Congar, O.P.: A Sketch, in: St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly
39,4 (1995), pp. 409–416.
Fisch, Thomas (ed.): Liturgy and Tradition: Theological Reflections of Alexander Schmemann, Crestwood, NY 1990.
Forest, Jim (ed.): Mother Maria Skobtsova: Essential Writings, Maryknoll 2003.
Giocas, Athanasios / Ladouceur, Paul: The Burning Bush Group and
Father André Scrima in Romanian Spirituality, in: Greek Orthodox
Theological Review 52,1–4 (2007), pp. 37–61.
Haynes, Alan: Greek Nationals in England 1400–1705, in: History Today 29 (1979), pp. 179–187.
Kalaitzidis, Pantelis: Challenges of Renewal and Reformation Facing
the Orthodox Church, in: Ecumenical Review 61,2 (2009), pp. 136–164.
idem: Between the "Return to the Fathers" and the Need for a Modern
Orthodox Theology, in: St. Vladimir's Theological Quarterly 54,1 (2010),
pp. 5–36.
Kovalevsky, Maxime: Orthodoxie et Occident: Renaissance d'une église locale, Suresnes 1994.
Louth, Andrew: Is Development of Doctrine a Valid Category for
Orthodox Theology?, in: Valerie Hotchkiss et al. (eds.): Orthodoxy and
Western Culture: Collection of Essays Honoring Jaroslav Pelikan on his
Eightieth Birthday, Crestwood, NY 2005, pp. 45–63.
Lowrie, Donald (ed.): Christian Existentialism: A Berdyaev Anthology, New York, NY 1965.
Metropolit Augoustinos von Deutschland: Orthodoxie in Deutschland:
Vortrag aus Anlass des Festes der drei Hierarchen in der
Griechisch-Orthodoxen Gemeinde der hl. Apostel in Dortmund am 3. Februar
2002, issued by the Kommission der Orthodoxen Kirche in Deutschland,
online: http://kokid.w-srv.net/kirchl%20leben/mart-017.htm [25/03/2013].
Nichols, Aidan: Theology in the Russian Diaspora: Church, Fathers,
Eucharist in Nikolai Afanas'ev (1893–1966), Cambridge et al. 1989.
Noble, Ivana et al.: Cesty pravoslavné teologie ve 20. století na Západ, Brno 2012.
Noble, Ivana: Ruské pravoslaví vstupující do moderní doby, in: idem
et al.: Cesty pravoslavné teologie ve 20. století na Západ, Brno 2012,
pp. 99–102.
idem: Sofiologie, in: idem et al.: Cesty pravoslavné teologie ve 20. století na Západ, Brno 2012, pp. 103–107.
idem: Znovuobjevení hesychasmu, in: idem et al.: Cesty pravoslavné teologie ve 20. století na Západ, Brno 2012, pp. 85–90.
Noble, Ivana / Noble, Tim: A Latin Appropriation of Christian
Hellenism: Florovsky's Marginal Note to "Patristics and Modern Theology"
and its Possible Addressee, in: St Vladimir's Theological Quarterly
56,3 (2012), pp. 269–288.
Noble, Tim: Pravoslavná misie v Americe před rokem 1920, in: Ivana
Noble et al.: Cesty pravoslavné teologie ve 20. století na Západ, Brno
2012, pp. 109–156.
Noble, Tim: Springtime in Paris: Orthodoxy Encountering Diverse
Others Between the Wars, paper delivered at the 17th Academic
Consultation of Societas Oecumenica in Belfast, August 2012
[forthcoming].
Pain, James et al. (eds.): A Bulgakov Anthology, Philadelphia 1976.
Papanikolau, Aristotle: Tradition or Identity Politics: The Role of
the "West" in Contemporary Orthodox Theology, in: Theologia 3,4 (2010),
pp. 18–25.
Struve, Nikita: Soixante-dix ans d'émigration russe, Paris 1996.
Szczesniak, Boleslaw (ed.): The Russian Revolution and Religion: A
Collection of Documents Concerning the Suppression of Religion by the
Communists, 1917–1925, Notre Dame, IN 1959.
Thon, Nikolaus: Der historische Weg der Orthodoxen Kirche in Deutschland, in: Orthodoxie Aktuell 4,5 (2000), pp. 2–7.
Torke, Hans-Joachim: From Muscovy Towards St Petersburg 1598–1689,
in: Gregory Freeze (ed.): Russia: A History, Oxford 2009, pp. 63–99.
Zernov, Nicolas: The Russian Religious Renaissance of the Twentieth Century, New York, NY 1963.
Zwahlen, Regula M.: Das revolutionäre Ebenbild Gottes: Anthropologien
der Menschenwürde bei Nikolaj A. Berdjaev und Sergej N. Bulgakov,
Vienna et al. 2010.
Notes
- ^ See Chaillot, Histoire 2005.
- ^ See Torke, From Muscovy 2009, p. 66.
- ^ See Besse, L'église 1994; Tim Noble, Pravoslavná misie v Americe 2012.
- ^ See Metropolit Augoustinos von Deutschland, Orthodoxie in Deutschland 2002.
- ^ See Thon, Der historische Weg 2000.
- ^
See Haynes, Greek Nationals 1979, p. 180. Patriarch Kyrillos, who was
Ecumenical Patriarch on six separate occasions between 1612 and 1638,
has been called the Calvinist Patriarch, because of his apparent
emphasis on more Calvinist forms of doctrine, especially as expressed in
his Confessio.
- ^ Following years of revolt, which began with the uprising in 1821, Greek independence was recognised in 1832.
- ^
Theology in Russia was heavily influenced by Western sources, but there
was almost no reciprocal contact, with the exception of the interest of
Catholic scholars such as Goa, Renaudot, or Assemani in Eastern
liturgy, who collected and translated manuscripts, which led to a deeper
knowledge and understanding of the sacraments. This was admittedly
related to the idea of a "return" to Rome, present in the Roman Catholic
Church since the Council of Ferrara-Florence in the 15th century. At
the same time, however, their work came as a challenge to established
Catholic theology.
- ^ For more detail, see Bauerová, Zkušenost 2012.
- ^ See Andreyev / Savický, Russia Abroad 2004, pp. 80–116.
- ^ This movement then played a central role in France, and most of the emigré theologians participated in it. Later it was known as Action Chrétienne des Étudiants Russes (ACER). See on this congress, Struve, Soixante-dix ans 1996, pp. 78f.; Zwahlen, Das revolutionäre Ebenbild 2010, pp. 82–84.
- ^
The circles in Russia gathered mainly around universities and included
those who wished to combine Russian religious philosophy and efforts for
the social reform of the country. See Nichols, Theology 1989, p. 25;
Ivana Noble, Ruské pravoslaví vstupující 2012.
- ^ See idem, Znovuobjevení hesychasmu 2012, pp. 85–90.
- ^ See ibidem, pp. 90–97.
- ^ See, for example, Noble / Noble, A Latin Appropriation 2012.
- ^ Kireevsky published his concept of integral knowledge for the first time in the Moscow Review
of 1852. Another important source is his study On the Necessity 1998,
which first appeared shortly before his death in the journal Rus. See also Christoff, An Introduction 1972.
- ^ See in English, Khomiakov, The Church 1968.
- ^ See Berdyaev, Dream 1950, pp. 86–107, for an overview.
- ^ See Ivana Noble, Sofiologie 2012.
- ^
Florovsky places modern Russian religious thought (apart from the first
return to Patristics) under one all-embracing category: Russian
Religious Renaissance. He takes the term itself from Zernov, The Russian
Religious Renaissance 1963, but gives it a new negative meaning. For
him especially, slavophilism and sophiology are attempts to transpose
tradition to the categories of modernity, which according to him led not
to an authentic development of tradition but to its "pseudomorphosis".
The Russian Religious Renaissance thus represents for him a history of
errors. See Florovsky, Ways 1979, pp. 17f.; cf. Blane, Georges Florovsky
1993, pp. 60–68, 110f.
- ^ See, for example, Cunningham, A Vanquished Hope 1981.
- ^ See Bauerová, Počátky 2012; idem, Cesta 2012; idem, Válka 2012; and Forest, Mother Maria Skobtsova 2003.
- ^
The Metropolia had operated since 1921, when Patriarch Tikhon appointed
Evlogii (formerly bishop in Kholm) as head of the Russian Orthodox
Churches in Western Europe; in 1931, due to the political situation in
Russia, it went under the Ecumenical Patriarchate. See Szczesniak, The
Russian Revolution 1959, pp. 244f. Besides the Metropolia, there were a
separate Russian Orthodox Church in Western Europe under the Moscow
Patriarchate and the Russian Orthodox Church outside of Russia (ROCOR),
politically supportive of autocratic Tsarism, seeing itself as the
authentic continuation of the Russian Orthodox Church, but with close
ties to the Serbian Patriarchate.
- ^ See, for example, Afanasieff, The Church 2007.
- ^ See Kern, Kriny molitvennye 1928.
- ^ See Schmemann, Russian Theology 1972.
- ^ Kartašev, Vethozavetnaja Biblejskaja Kritika 1947.
- ^ See for example Bezobrazov, Principi 1928.
- ^ See the inaugural address of the first rector Eugraph Kovalevsky: Kovalevsky, Inaugural Adress 1994, p. 125.
- ^ See Giocas / Ladouceur, The Burning Bush Group 2007.
- ^ Unfortunately, when Metropolitan Evlogii moved back under the Ecumenical Patriarchate, this cooperation was no longer possible.
- ^ See Kovalevsky, Inaugural Adress 1994, p. 125.
- ^ See Clément, L'autre soleil 2010, pp. 120, 135, 139–154.
- ^
This was not a case of rediscovering a complete ancient text but of
organising fragments into a liturgical structure which stood on the
border between Eastern and Western traditions.
- ^ See A Propos de l' Eglise Catholique Orthodoxe de France 1979.
- ^ See http://ru.seminaria.fr [25/03/2013].
- ^ See, e.g., Berdyaev, Dream 1950, pp. 46, 288f.
- ^
See, for example, idem, Destiny 2009; idem, Freedom 2009; idem, The
Meaning 2009; idem, The Russian Idea 1992. See also Lowrie, Christian
Existentialism 1965.
- ^ See Tim Noble, Springtime in Paris 2012. See also Arjakovsky, La génération 2002.
- ^ See on this Bauerová, Zkušenost 2012, pp. 284–293.
- ^
See, for example, Bulgakov, Bride 2002; idem, The Comforter 2004; idem,
The Lamb 2008; idem, The Orthodox Church 1988; idem, Sophia 1993. See
also Pain, A Bulgakov Anthology 1976.
- ^ See Florovsky, Patristics and Modern Theology 1938, pp. 6–7; idem, Ways 1979, p. 18.
- ^ See, for example, idem, Vostochnye Otcy 1931; idem, Vizantiiskie Otcy 1933.
- ^ See Schmemann, For the Life 1998, p. 146.
- ^ See idem, Liturgy and Life 1993, pp. 13f.; idem, The Eucharist 1987, p. 34; idem, Liturgy and Theology 1990, pp. 51f.
- ^ See Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology 1979, p. 1.
- ^ ibidem, p. vii, see also pp. 115–120; idem, Living Tradition 1978, p. 8.
- ^ See Louth, Development 2005, pp. 54f.
- ^ See Papanikolau, Tradition 2010.
- ^ See Kalaitzidis, Between the "Return to the Fathers" 2010, especially pp. 7–8; idem, Challenges 2009, espcially pp. 163f.
- ^ See, e.g., Fisch, Liturgy and Tradition 1990, p. 53.
- ^ See Schmemann, Liturgy and Theology 1990, pp. 51f.
- ^ See Afanasieff, The Church 2007; Nichols, Theology 1989.
- ^ See Evdokimov, The Art 1993.
- ^ See Ouspensky / Losskii, The Meaning 1982; Ouspensky, Theology 1992.
- ^ See Evdokimov, Ages 1998.
- ^
Stăniloae made the first translation of Palamas' texts into a modern
language and accompanied it with a monograph: Stăniloae, Viața și
învățătura 1938. This was followed by two important studies by
Meyendorff, Introduction 1959 and idem, St Grégoire Palamas 1959. George
Florovsky also wrote a study: Florovsky, St Gregory Palamas 1961.
- ^ See Losskii, Orthodox Theology 1978, pp. 32f.; idem, The Mystical Theology 2005, pp. 238f.
- ^ See Mother Maria Skobtsova, At the Heart of the World 2003.
- ^ idem, Life without Limits 2003; idem, The Poor in Spirit 2003.
- ^ Clément, L'autre soleil 2010, pp. 11f.
- ^ ibidem, p. 12.
- ^ ibidem, p. 69.
- ^ See St Athanasius, Οn the Ιncarnatiοn 1891, p. 8.
- ^ See Clément, On Human Being 2000.
- ^ In Germany, there are Orthodox centres at the Universities of Munich (http://www.orththeol.uni-muenchen.de/index.html [25/03/2013]) and Münster (http://www.uni-muenster.de/CRS/OT [25/03/2013]). In Great Britain, there is a centre in Cambridge (the Institute of Orthodox Christian Studies: http://www.iocs.cam.ac.uk [25/03/2013]), whilst at the VU University in Amsterdam, there is the Amsterdam Centre for Eastern Orthodox Theology: http://www.aceot.nl [25/03/2013].
- ^ See http://www.thyateira.org.uk/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=373&Itemid=163 [25/03/2013].
- ^
See also Noble / Noble, A Latin Appropriation 2012, for the encounter
between Florovsky and British Jesuits at the Faith and Order meeting in
Edinburgh in 1938.
- ^ On Congar's interaction with Orthodoxy, see, for example, Famerée, Orthodox Influence 1995; Destivelle, Le Père Congar 2005.
- ^ This article is part of the research project "Symbolic Mediation of Wholeness in Western Orthodoxy", GAČR P401/11/1688.
This text is licensed under:
CC by-nc-nd 3.0 Germany - Attribution, Noncommercial, No Derivative Works
Editor:
Thomas Bremer
Copy Editor:
Lisa Landes with Christina Müller
